Currently, I am pursuing my second master's degree in the Design and Environmental Analysis program at Cornell University. I invite you to join me in my world of design and photography utopia.
Linghao Li ｜李凌昊
MA Design in D+EA ‘24
MA Graphic Design and Visual Experience ‘22
BFA Visual Communication Design ‘16
Cornell University｜SCAD｜TAFA
+ 1 912-391-7213 | ll933@cornell.edu
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Building upon my foundation in design theory and art education, I have significantly broadened my research interests. During my time at Cornell University's Human-Centered Design Department, I had the privilege of delving into Pluriversal Design in a systematic manner under the guidance of Dr. Renata. Simultaneously, I pursued a minor in Anthropology, mentored by Dr. Viranjini Munasinghe. This multifaceted academic exposure, encompassing Environmental Psychology, Human-Centered Design, Cultural Anthropology, Linguistic Anthropology, and Pluriversal Design, propelled me into the world of research and helped me carve out my unique research path.
Presently, my research pursuits are centered around several compelling themes. I am particularly intrigued by the intersection of education and the development of nationalities and national languages, the challenges posed by hybrid typography within distinct writing systems, and the intricate relationship between design and human society. These investigations span the domains of cultural anthropology, linguistic anthropology, and design anthropology. My enthusiasm for these subjects knows no bounds, and I wholeheartedly invite you to explore more about me and my research in the following messages. This passion fuels my commitment to creating a utopian future through my work. Welcome to my academic journey.
- 22FA
- ANTHR6482 Class Final Paper
The relationship between education, cultural identity, and nationalism of Mongolians in China is likely complex and multifaceted. As a minority group within China, Mongolians may face challenges in preserving and promoting their cultural identity, particularly in regard to their language and traditional customs. Education can play a role in helping Mongolians to maintain and strengthen their cultural identity by offering opportunities for learning about and engaging with their cultural heritage. At the same time, education can also be used as a tool for promoting nationalism among Mongolians in China. And Mongolians living outside of China face similar challenges. By promoting nationalist ideas and values through education, the Chinese government may aim to foster a sense of national unity among Mongolians and other minority groups within the country. This paper will synthesize their relationship in contemporary China and discuss the future possibilities of the Mongolians as a nation within China and other Mongolians.
Mongolians in China are primarily concentrated in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, which was established in 1947 as a way to give Mongolians a degree of self-government within China. The Mongolian language is one of the official languages of Inner Mongolia, and Mongolian culture and customs are an important part of life in the region. Mongolians have a long and rich history and have traditionally been a nomadic people. They are known for their skills as horsemen and their close connection to the natural world. Despite the challenges they have faced throughout their history, but the Mongolian community in China is now facing a greater crisis of identity (Bulag, 2003), even as a resurgent global nationalism develops.
The history of Mongolian development is a long and complex one, stretching back many centuries. The Mongolian people have a rich and storied history and have played a significant role in the development of the region now known as China.
Mongolian history can be traced back to the 7th century, when the Mongolian tribes first began to form into a unified people (Alan J.K., 2022). Over the following centuries, the Mongolians expanded their territory and established a powerful empire that stretched across much of Asia and Eastern Europe. Under the leadership of Genghis Khan, the Mongolian empire became one of the largest and most powerful in world history. However, the empire began to decline in the 14th century (Moses, 2008), and by the early 20th century, most of Mongolia had come under the control of the Chinese Qing dynasty.
The History of Mongolian Nationalism
The history of Mongolian nationalism is closely tied to the history of the Mongolian people and their struggle for self-determination. As a minority group within China, Mongolians have long sought to preserve and promote their cultural identity, and nationalism has played an important role in this effort.
The origins of Mongolian nationalism can be traced back to the early 20th century when Mongolia was under the control of the Qing dynasty. During this time, many Mongolians began to advocate for greater autonomy and self-rule, and a nationalist movement began to emerge. In 1911, the Qing dynasty was overthrown, and Mongolia declared its independence. However, the country was soon invaded by China and Soviet Russia and was forced to accept joint Chinese and Soviet rule. This sparked a wave of resistance among Mongolians, and a nationalist movement emerged to fight for the country's independence (John S. Major, 1990). In 1921, Mongolia declared its independence once again, and has remained a sovereign nation since then. Over the years, Mongolian nationalism has continued to be an important force in the country, helping to shape its political and cultural identity
Mongolians living in Mongolia and those living in Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region of China are two distinct groups of people with their own unique cultural traditions and ways of life.
Mongolia is a sovereign country located in East Asia, while Inner Mongolia is an autonomous region of China. As a result, Mongolians living in Mongolia are citizens of Mongolia, while Mongolians living in Inner Mongolia are citizens of China. This means that they have different political systems and legal systems and may have different rights and obligations as citizens.
Mongolians living in Mongolia and Inner Mongolia also have different cultural traditions and ways of life. For example, Mongolians in Inner Mongolia have a long history of living within the Chinese state and have been heavily influenced by Chinese culture. They may speak a different dialect of the Mongolian language and may have different customs and traditions. Mongolians in Mongolia, on the other hand, have a more distinct and independent cultural identity and may have different customs and traditions.
In terms of their relationship with the Chinese state, Mongolians in Inner Mongolia are subject to the laws and policies of the Chinese government, while Mongolians in Mongolia are not. This means that Inner Mongolians may face different challenges and opportunities in terms of preserving and promoting their cultural heritage. In recent years, there has been a resurgence of Inner Mongolian nationalism and calls for greater autonomy, which has led to increased tension between Inner Mongolians and the Chinese government.
The Language Differences:
The Mongolian language is spoken by both Mongolians living in Mongolia and those living in Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region of China. However, there may be some differences in the way the language is spoken and written in the two regions.
In Mongolia, the official language is Mongolian. It is written using the Cyrillic alphabet, which was adopted in the 1940s as part of a broader effort to promote a distinct Mongolian national identity. Mongolians in Mongolia are taught to read and write in Mongolian using the Cyrillic alphabet in schools. In Inner Mongolia, the official language is also Mongolian. However, it is written using the Chinese writing system, known as the Han script. This is because Inner Mongolia is part of China, and the use of the Han script is mandated by the Chinese government. As a result, Mongolians in Inner Mongolia are taught to read and write in Mongolian using the Han script in schools. But in recent years, localized curbs on Mongolian language teaching prompt large protests in China have also erupted in the inner Mongolia region (Qin, 2020).
Despite these differences in writing systems, the spoken language of Mongolians in both Mongolia and Inner Mongolia is largely the same. There may be some regional variations in accent and vocabulary, but most Mongolians in both regions can understand each other when they speak (Deng et al., 2016).
The Living Style Differences:
Mongolia is a relatively poor country, with a largely agrarian economy and a significant proportion of the population living in rural areas. Many Mongolians in Mongolia live a traditional nomadic lifestyle, raising livestock and moving their herds to different pastures throughout the year. Inner Mongolia is a wealthier region of China, with a strong focus on industries such as mining and energy production. As a result, the living standards of many Inner Mongolians are higher than those of their counterparts in Mongolia. Inner Mongolia also has a more diverse economy and a larger urban population, with many people living in cities and working in a variety of professions (Jirimutu, 1998).
Despite these differences, there are also many similarities in the living styles of Mongolians in the two regions. Both groups have a strong cultural heritage and a deep connection to the land, and both value the importance of family and community. In both regions, Mongolians continue to practice many of their traditional customs and cultural practices, such as singing and dancing, and both groups place a high value on education and the preservation of their cultural heritage.
The Cultural and Cultural Identity Differences
There may be some differences in the culture of Mongolians living in Mongolia and those living in Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region of China, due to the different political, social, and economic conditions in the two regions. Mongolians in Mongolia have a unique culture that has been influenced by both Chinese and Russian traditions. They have their own language, literature, music, and dance, and continue to practice many of their traditional customs and cultural practices (Aleksei M, 1995). Inner Mongolia, on the other hand, has a long history of living within the Chinese state and has been heavily influenced by Chinese culture. Inner Mongolians have a somewhat different cultural identity than those living in Mongolia, and their culture has been shaped by their experiences as a minority group within China. Inner Mongolians have their own unique cultural traditions, including their own language and writing system, but their culture has also been influenced by the dominant Han Chinese culture.
There may be some differences in the cultural identity of Mongolians living in Mongolia and those living in Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region of China. Mongolia is a sovereign country with a distinct national identity and a strong sense of cultural pride. Mongolians in Mongolia have a deep connection to their cultural heritage and are proud of their unique cultural traditions and customs. Inner Mongolia, on the other hand, is an autonomous region of China. As a result, Inner Mongolians have a somewhat different cultural identity than those living in Mongolia. Inner Mongolians have a long history of living within the Chinese state and have been heavily influenced by Chinese culture. They may have a more complex and nuanced sense of cultural identity, as they must navigate their relationship with the dominant Han Chinese culture while also maintaining their own unique cultural traditions and customs (Deng et al., 2016). The overall cultural identity can also be felt in the obvious subordination, with Mongolians in China identifying more with Chinese culture.
This is mainly manifested in the priority of identity, where Mongolians in China identify themselves as a Chinese first, before they identify themselves as Mongolians living in China. This is fundamentally different from Mongolians in Mongolia who consider themselves to be Mongolians. And such cultural identity and identification is mainly the result of the combined effect of geopolitics and cultural education in the last hundred years.
Despite these differences, there are also many similarities in the culture of Mongolians in the two regions. Both groups share a common ancestry and have a deep connection to the land, and both value the importance of family and community. In both regions, Mongolians continue to practice many of their traditional customs and cultural practices, such as singing and dancing, and both groups place a high value on education and the preservation of their cultural heritage.
Education in language and script
In Inner Mongolia, the education system is heavily influenced by the Chinese education system. As a result, Inner Mongolian students are taught to read and write in Mongolian using the Han script and are also required to study the Chinese language and culture. In Inner Mongolia, the official language is also Mongolian, but it is written using the Chinese writing system, known as the Han script. This is because Inner Mongolia is part of China, and the use of the Han script is mandated by the Chinese government. Inner Mongolia has a bilingual education system from elementary school to university, and Mongolian primary and secondary schools are bilingual in both Mongolian and Chinese (perfected and established after 1979). In 2013, the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region began to provide free education at the high school level, with free tuition and free textbooks. However, because of the influence of China Gaokao system (The China National College Entrance Examination) and examination policy (Larmer, 2014), the current status of bilingual education policy is actually dominated by Chinese education, and Mongolian language education is severely marginalized, and Mongolians born after 2000 have almost lost the language and writing environment of Mongolian (Bulag, 2003).
From the founding of the PRC up through the 1980s, five minority languages were used as media for education: Mongolian, Uyghur, Tibetan, Kazakh, and Korean. In these languages pupils learned not just language and literature of their own language, but also math, natural and social sciences, and history. This policy continued in rural areas even through the Cultural Revolution, at least in Inner Mongolia. After 2000, Tibetan and Uyghur language education became increasingly restricted, in response to political unrest and the government’s perceived need to monitor non-Chinese speakers. In Tibet, the beginning of Chinese language was advanced from third grade to first in 2001, and from 2010 to the present ‘bilingual education’ has been used as a label for promoting a movement from Tibetan as medium and Chinese as a subject to Chinese as the medium and Tibetan as the subject. In Xinjiang the transition was much more abrupt. From 2002 to 2005, Uyghur- and Kazakh-medium education in Xinjiang was replaced by Chinese-language education, with at most a few hours of Uyghur per week. Mongolian and Korean are thus the last of the five minority languages in which education in a full range of subjects occurs in the minority languages(Atwood, 2020). On August 26, 2020, the Department of Education of Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region issued a new policy requiring Mongolian-language elementary school to switch to the Ministry of Education's unified language textbook for primary and secondary schools from September 1, as well as gradually starting to use the unified textbook for political science and history classes in the first grade of elementary school in the next two years, and the controversy over the new textbook and the promotion of Putonghua in elementary school. The quest for the standardization of Mongolian (language) in Inner Mongolia was a product as much of a domestication of the Mongols in China as a protest against the imposition of Chinese (Standard Beijing Mandarin) as the national standard language to which all minority languages were forced to conform (Bulag, 2003). The new policy has caused public discontent and a series of civil disobedience campaigns. This protest is a rare act by Mongolians living in China and can be seen as an awakening of Mongolian identity and national identity in China (“Rare Rallies in China over Mongolian Language Curb,” 2020). However, the Chinese government still insists on emphasizing the need to steadfastly push forward the reform of bilingual education and the implementation of Chinese and Chinese language as the mainstay of education in Inner Mongolia.
In the 20th century, Mongolia briefly switched to the Latin script, but then almost immediately replaced it with the Cyrillic script under the Mongolian People's Republic's for compatibility with the Soviet Union, as it was its satellite state. Nevertheless, Mongols living in Inner Mongolia as well as other parts of China, on the other hand, continued to use alphabets based on the traditional Mongolian script (Caodaobateer, 2004). But in March 2020, the Government of Mongolia announced plans to use the traditional Mongolian script alongside the Cyrillic script in official documents (e.g. identity documents, academic certificates, birth certificates, marriage certificates, among others) as well as the State Great Khural by 2025 (Unurzul, 2020). Although such a change is not reflected in education (especially at the basic education level), it can still be seen as a sign of a resurgence of nationalism in Mongolia. As Russia's influence on Mongolia wanes and China's influence on Mongolia continues to grow. The Mongolian government is using executive orders to cater to the idea of nationalist revival in the country. Although it is not known how long it will take for such a change to alter the chaos of the Mongolian writing system.
Education in Culture
Although the nation of Mongolia as a whole has a common ethnic and cultural background, different governments have different cultural education and influence on their own Mongolian people. The most typical example is the education of ethnic hatred in Mongolia, and the de-Mongolization of the Mongolian people by the Chinese government.
In Mongolian cultural education, China is portrayed as a colonizer and an aggressor, which is the exact opposite of Chinese cultural education. This even formed a kind of national hatred between two neighboring countries. Mongolians are impressed by the dynamic nature of China's development. For them, contemporary Inner Mongolia is a clear example of how China has used migration as a form of soft power that has weakened the local national culture. Mongolia has taken note of this and believes it must detach itself from Chinese cultural influences in order to preserve its cultural individuality and historical lineage. As a sparsely populated country, maintaining its ethnic identity is fundamental to national security. Their historical sense of "otherness," combined with current economic and security concerns, has led Mongolians to be suspicious of China's aggressive posture. And at the same time the continuing influence of Russian culture on them makes them feel uncomfortable. It is this combination of influences that has led Mongolia to choose to continue to use domestic nationalist ideology to constantly reinforce the concepts of "Genghis Khan's bloodline," historical glory and honor, and threats to the surrounding region (Shurentan, 2018). In dealing with China, Mongolia is often faced with the dilemma of reality and desire. As a small country economically dependent on China, Mongolia cannot afford the sacrifice of disengaging from China, although it is often tempted to do so. Thus, "Sinophobia is not so much a resistance to the Chinese as it is a resistance to the temptation of the Mongols themselves to actively engage with their southern neighbor. It is noteworthy that Mongolia does not emphasize the concept of "Greater Mongolia" and chooses to ignore the Mongolians living in China and other regions.
Cultural education in Inner Mongolia follows the entire Chinese national policy. As the overall state policy of China's collective leadership developed over several generations, a national policy of patriotism and de-nationalization was increasingly emphasized. The language and writing policy for basic education in Inner Mongolia, which has been mentioned before, is very much a part of the typical de-nationalized education. At the same time, “Ideological and political education,” or “sixiang zhengzhi jiaoyu” (思想政治教育), often shortened as “sizheng” (思政), is a subject taught in high schools and universities in China as part of the country’s Patriotic Education Campaign (爱国主义教育) since the early 1990s. While modules for “civic education” (公民教育) exist in other countries, these focus on the preparation and empowerment of citizens to participate in democratic processes (Chen, 2021). The focus of “sizheng” is quite different – ensuring that students’ ideas align with the political line, values and discipline of the Chinese Communist Party . In a speech to a seminar for teachers of ideological and political theory courses in March 2019, Xi Jinping said “sizheng” courses are necessary in order to train generations of talents who support the leadership of the Communist Party of China. Xi said:
“Young people are the future of the country and the hope of the nation. The most important thing in youth education is to teach them the right ideas and guide them to take the right path . . . . The role of sizheng education is irreplaceable, and the teachers have a great responsibility. The most fundamental thing is to fully implement the Party’s education policy, and the most important thing is to carry out Marxist theory education, use the new era of socialist ideas with Chinese characteristics to forge the soul and educate people, guiding students to build up the confidence about the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics (道路自信), confidence about the theories [of the Party] (理论自信), confidence about the institutions [of our system] (制度自信), and confidence in our culture (文化自信).”
Unlike other ethnic minorities in China, the Mongolian religion is Buddhism (the Uyghurs practice Islam), which is the same as the main religion in China (although the Chinese government does not recognize the existence of a national religion in China, Buddhism is indeed the most practiced religion in China, with an estimated 250 million people (Sarah, 2017)) . China's strict control over religious education also does not allow religion to have a specific cultural impact compared to Mongolia.
Mongolia is one of the most resource-rich countries in the world and its economy is heavily dependent on mineral exports. Mongolia's larger mineral deposits have attracted investment interest from around the world, including China. With resources increasingly becoming a strategic support for national development, resource nationalism has become a global trend in the 21st century. Especially in those countries with resource-based economies (Wilson, 2015), resource nationalism has become a common phenomenon. In the case of Mongolia, the main target of Mongolian resource nationalism has not-surprisingly been China.
A case study when 18 May 2012, Aluminum Corporation of China Limited (CHALCO) and its potential purchase of a controlling stake in South Gobi Sands, a subsidiary of Ivanhoe Mines. In response to this potential acquisition, the Mongolian government passed the Regulations on Foreign Investment in Business Entities Operating in a Sector of Strategic Importance of Mongolia (SFI law), which requires special approval from the Mongolian parliament and FIFTA (Foreign Investment and Foreign Trade Bureau) for foreign ownership that surpasses 49% of an enterprise. The law was passed in an attempt to control foreign influence in strategic industries, such as mining, banking, finance, and media and communications. As a result of this law, the Mongolian government suspended a special permit for South Gobi Sands and required the company to halt exploration activities. The equity transfer would give CHALCO 57.6% ownership of South Gobi Sands on the International Securities Exchange, causing concern among Mongolian citizens. The law was passed quickly in response to the potential acquisition and frustrated CHALCO, a state-owned enterprise. This case is considered a typical example of nationalist sentiments influencing state policy in Mongolia.
The relationship between education, cultural identity, and nationalism of Mongolians is likely complex and multifaceted. As a minority group within China, Mongolians may face challenges in preserving and promoting their cultural identity, particularly in regards to their language and traditional customs. Education can play a role in helping Mongolians to maintain and strengthen their cultural identity by offering opportunities for learning about and engaging with their cultural heritage. At the same time, education can also be used as a tool for promoting nationalism among Mongolians in China. Cioran once said "One does not inhabit a country; one inhabits a language. That is our country, our fatherland", and similarly, the French philosopher Balibar also said "Schooling is the principal institution which produces ethnicity as linguistic community” (Balibar, 1994; Etienne Balibar, 1990). Nationalism is a political ideology that emphasizes loyalty and devotion to one's nation, and can be a powerful force for uniting people within a country. By promoting nationalist ideas and values through education, the Chinese government may aim to foster a sense of national unity among Mongolians and other minority groups within the country.
Overall, the relationship between education, cultural identity, and nationalism among Mongolians in China is likely complex and dynamic, and may be influenced by a variety of factors. However, it is undeniable that the Mongolian national identity in China is facing the challenge of assimilation and disappearance, while the Mongolian national identity in Mongolia is caught in a paradoxical environment of vain discussions.
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